- Kurt Gippert Bookseller
- The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System - Milovan Djilas - Google книги
- The New Class
The social origin of the w class lies i the proletariat just as the aristoacy s i peasat society, and the bourgeoisie i cormercial d atisas' society. It is Yitally ir portant for tlle ne1v class to assre ormal flo1v of prodction, n it canot ever lose its corection 1vitl1 t proletaiat. Most irportant of all, tl1e ne1v class cannot acbleve indstriali zation d consolidate its pmver 1vitout t l of t 1vork-.
Over Iog period of time, the iterests, ideas, faith, d hope of the w class, d of parts of the 1vorkig class d of t poor peasants, coicide d uite. Such mergers have occurred i the past amog other 1videly differet classes. Did t. The movemet of the w class toward po1ver comes as result of the efforts of t proletariat d the poor. These are t asses upon 1vhich t party or t ne1v class ust lean and 1vith 1vhic its irlterests are ost closely allied. This is true util the w class finally establises its po1ver d authority. Over and above tis, t ne1v class is interested in the proletariat d the poor only to the extent necessary for developig production d for aitaining in subjugatio t ost aggressive d rebellious social forces.
Tlle morpoly 1vicll tlle 1v class estalislles in the name of the 1vorkig class over the 1vhole of society is, pimarily, monopoly over t 1vorking class itself. Tis monopoly is first intellectual, over t so-called avant-garde pioletai"iat, and the over the 1vole prolctaiat.
This is tl1e iggest deceptio the class must accomplish, but it sho1vs that the 1v and interests of the new class lie pr'imarily in idustry. Without industry the w class cannot consolidate its positio or autority. In this case 1v exploitig d govei"ning class is from the exploited class.
Kurt Gippert Bookseller
This is generally true. This is actually party or political bureaucracy.
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It is sociologically possile to dra1v t bordelie bet1veen the different types of officials, but in practice they are practically idistinguishale. This is true t only because t Communist system its very natue is bureaucratic, but because Comuists andle t various important administrative functions. In addition, t stratu of political ts cannot teir privileges if t do not give CI'umbs fr'o teir tales to other bureaucratic categoies.
It is iportant to note t fudaental differences bet1vee the political bureaucracies entioned r and those which arise 1vith every cetralization in d economy-especially cetalizations tat lead to collective for-ms of ownersip such as monopolies, compaies, and state ownersip. Duin says tllat state functiona! They share the same interests, especially since there is relatively little competition isofar as pomotion is in terms of seniority.
In-group aggression is thus inimized and this aangement is t. I the same 1vay, tlle class to 1vicll member belogs is idi cated t material d oter privileges 1vhicl1 ownership brigs to him. As defined Roman lv, property costitutes the use, enjoyment, and disposition of material goods. Communist poiitical bureaucracy ses, enjoys, and disposes of natioalized property. If we assume that membership i this bureaucracy or w o1vning class is predicated on tlle use of privileges inl:lerent. In practice, the o1vnership privilege of tlle ;v class maifests itself as an exclusiYe rigllt, as party moopoly, for tl:le political bureaucracy t.
This is t way it appears to t ordiary man ;vho considers t Communist functioary as being very rich d as m 1vl10 does not have to work. Besides, t destructio of pivate o;vership 1vas ss for t economic tr-asformatio of atios. Tbls is tlle relationsip betlveen t monopolists of administration, 1vllo constitute arro1v and closed stratum, and tlle mass of producers farmers, 1vorkers, and intelligentsia 1vl llave no rigts. Ho;veYer, tbls elation sblp is not valid since tlle Communist bureaucacy enjoys moopoly v t distiution of mateial goods. Social d political relatios d 01vnersllip-tlle totalitaiaism of tlle govemmet and tlle moopoly of autllity-are being m fully bougllt ito accor-d i Commuism tan in otller sigle system.
This would the begiig of democracy d freedom in Communism, the d of Commuist moopolism d totalitaiaism. Util tis happes, there can idication that important, fudamental. The o;vership privileges of the ne1v class and membership in that class are the privileges of administration. This privilege extends from state administration and the administr-ation of economic eterprises to that of sports and humanitaria orgai zatios.
Political, party, or so-called "geeral leadership" is executed the core. This positio of leadersblp caies privileges 1vith it. I his Stalin au pouvoir, pulished i Paris in , Orlov states that t average of worker i t U. R i 1vas 1, rules aually, wblle tlle and allowances of t secretay of r committee md to 45, rules anually. Oter autors v aived at t same coclusios. Discrepacies bet,vee the of 'vorkers d party functioaries are extreme; tis could t bldde from pesons visiting t U.
The New Class: An Analysis of the Communist System - Milovan Djilas - Google книги
One tblnk 1vell or ill of them, but they must exist. Society canrt live ;vithout state or govemet, d therefOI'e it t liYe ;vithout those 'vho figt for it.
Ho1veyer, tl1ere are fudametal differeces bet;vee po fessional politicias in other systems d i the Commuist system. I extreme cases, politicias i other systems use the gover'Ilmet to secure privileges for themselves and their cohorts, or t. The situatio is differet with the Commuist syste ;vlrere t po;ver d the goveret are idetical 1vith t use, ejoyment, d dispositio of almost all t nation's goods. Consequetly, in Commuism, po;ver or politics as professio is the ideal of those 'vho have the desire or the pospect of livig as paasites at the expense of oters.
Membership in the Communist Party before the ReYolution sacrifice. For log time t Commuist revolutio ahd t Commuist system v been cocealig teir real nature. The so-called socialist o'vership 1s d1sgse for the real ownership t political bureaucracy. The development of modern Communism, d t emergence of the ;v class, is evident i the char-acter d roles of tose wl inspired it.
Lein tolerated free discussio in his party and did not think tat forums, let alone the party head, should regulate the expression of "proper" or "improper" ideas. Stalin abolished every type of inta-party discussion, and made the expression of ideology solely the right of the central forum-or of himself. For instance, Marx's Interational Workers' Union the so-called First International was not Marxist in ideology, but union of varied goups whic adopted only t resolutios on whic its rs agreed.
Leni's party was an avant-garde group comblning. Under Stalin tl1e party became mass of ideologically disinteested men, wl got their ideas from above, but 1vere 1vholeearted and unanimous i the defense of system that assured the uquestionale privileges. Marx actually never created party; Lein destroyed all parties except is o1vn, including the Socialist Party.
Marx created system of the roles of classes, and of class 1var i society, even tlugh he did not discove them, d he saw that mankind is mostly made of members of disceile classes, althogh l1e 1vas only restatig Teence's Stoic pllilosophy: i nilzil alienum puto. Stali sa1v in men only obedient subjects or 1s. Althouo-h did t realize it, Li started the organizao tion of t 1v class. It is also t aspect. But 1vas relentless dogmatician and great administrator, Georgian 1v knew better than n else witer t new po1ves of Greater Rssia 1vere takig r.
Witot t revolution, 1vitout indstJy, the class's position -. Witout indstrialization t ne1v class would find it difficult to old its position, for it would v eiter historical justificatio r the material resources for its contiued existece. I , on t eve of idustializatio, t Soviet Communist Patty d , members.
In , at tl1e d of t First Five-Year Plan, the membersip d inceased to 1,, Tis 1vas phenomenon obviously connected 1vith indstrializatio: the prospects for t ne1v class and pivileges for its members w improving. It is difficult to cite any statistics on tis point, but the conclsio is self-evident f anyone 1vho s in mind tat the standard of living has not kept 1vit industrial productio, 1vhile.
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It encountered itter opposition from existing classes d from those revolutionaries 1vho could not reconcile reality 1vith the ideals of their struggle. The conflict bet1veen Trotsky and Stalin, or bet1veen oppositionists in t party d Stalin, as 1vell as t conflict between the regime d the peasantry, became r intense as idus trialization advanced d the po1ver and authority of the new class icreased.
Trotsky, an excellent speaker, brilliat. In addition, he d never been Bolsevik.
The New Class
This 1vas his vice and bls virtue. Attacking t party bureaucracy i the name of the evolution, he attacked the cult of the paity d, althoug he 1vas t conscious of it, tl1e w class. Stalin looked either far ahead nor far behind. Trotsky 1vished to extend the revolutio to ; Stalin 1vas not opposed to the idea but this azai'dous undertakig did not prevent him from 1vorrying about Mother Russia or, specifically, about 1vays of strengtheing the ne1v system and increasig the po1ver and reputatio of the Russian state.
Trotsky 1vas man of the revolution of the past; Stalin was m of today and, thus, of the future. In Stalin's victoiy Trotsky saw the Theidoric reaction agaist the revolution, actually the bureaucatic corruption of the Soviet governmet d the revolutionary cause. TIotsky was the first, although he was not a1vare of it, who in the attempt to save the Comrnuist movement discovered the essence of coternporary Comuism. But he was t of seeig it tough to the end. The Soviet Thel'midor of Stali had t only led to the installatio of governmet more despotic tha the previous , but also to the installation of class.
This 1vas the contiuatio of that other violet foreig revolution wich had inevitaly borne d strengthened the new class. Stali could, with equal if t greater right, refer to Lein and all t revolution, just. For Stali 1vas the lawful although 1vicked offsprig of Lenin d the revolutio. History has previos record of personality like Lenin. It also s no record of personality like Stalin, 1vho took on t enormous task of stregteing, in terms of po1ver and property, ne1v class born out of one of the greatest revolutions in one of the largest of the world's countries.